Introduction
Religion has played a role as a mobilizing factor in all time periods. This applies to the wandering mendicant monks and missionaries of the medieval period as well as to the Jewish Diaspora, which has been shaped by migration since classical antiquity. Missionary activity, the search for retreat and solitude, joining monasteries or other religious communities, and also fleeing persecution have motivated many people over the centuries to migrate, both in the history of Christianity and of other religions. However, the phenomenon of the confessionally-motivated or confessionally-justified migration of larger groups within Christian Europe is rightly identified as a specifically early modern phenomenon. Indeed, there is some justification for the view that the mass migration of people assumed a new quality and quantity in Christian Europe following the Reformation and the emergence of confessional polities. Heinz Schilling (born 1942), in particular, coined the term "Konfessionsmigration", with which he sought to encompass a separate type of early modern migration.1 Religious persecution and the resulting movements of refugees and migrants had already occurred in the medieval period, but these phenomena took on a new dimension during and after the Reformation. One of the main differences between the Middle Ages and the beginning of the modern period is undoubtedly the fact that movements that were condemned as heretical in the Middle Ages were viewed as heretical and condemned throughout the sphere of influence of the Roman church, which viewed itself as a universal church. Consequently, at least in theory these movements had no place of refuge where people sympathized with them or subscribed to their teachings, though in practice they were sometimes able to retreat to very inaccessible regions – like, for example, the Albigenses and the Waldenses.2
This changed through the Reformation, which became established in various cities and territories. A confessionally structured landscape emerged that enabled minorities and dissidents to move to other territories and to openly practice their religious beliefs there. In particular, adherents of small religious groups were able to settle for a time in places where – whether for political or economic reasons – a high degree of religious toleration was granted, such as Poland from the Warsaw Confederation of 1573 until about the middle of the 17th century,3 and also in newly established towns such as Freudenstadt in the Black Forest.4
However, more recent research has raised questions regarding the importance of religious motives. Can the migration flows of the Reformation period and the subsequent period really be unambiguously traced to confessional causes? And is it really as simple as it first appears to differentiate clearly between confessional migration and other forms of migration (such as labour migration, political exile and migration brought about by war)? What proportion of total migration in the early modern period did the flows that are traditionally viewed as "confessional migration" constitute? These questions are discussed below after an overview of some examples of migration flows and the conditions of settlement in the receiving regions.
Overview
Migration flows
A new phase of religious conflicts, coercive measures and expulsions began with the appearance of Martin Luther (1483–1546) and adherents of his teachings in various territories and cities of the Holy Roman Empire and beyond. A mass movement quickly emerged that no longer only involved the persecution of individual heretical preachers, but also broad religious conflicts, which threatened to divide whole communities and which shook social structures, rituals and symbolical orders that had existed for centuries. The close connection between the corpus christianum and political and social ties explains why religious deviation was viewed as being so dangerous and why it was not possible in the early modern period to view religious convictions as the private concern of each individual. In the understanding of the time, religion was fundamentally a social matter.5 Therefore, a community could not be indifferent about what a neighbour believed. Also, the emerging early modern state with its close ties to the church did not permit religious dissent.6 Indeed, if one subscribes to the confessionalization thesis of Heinz Schilling and Wolfgang Reinhard (born 1937), the enforcement of conformity – particularly as regards religious beliefs – was an essential driver of state formation.7 However, it is important to view this process not simply as a top-down process, as having been implemented by the authorities, but also to understand it as a confessionalization from below, coming from the congregations.8
It was not only adherents of the Reformation who were considered heretics, who risked persecution, but also supporters of the old faith. From the 1520s onward, new church structures came in being everywhere where Reformation teaching took hold. Clerics who continued to adhere to the old faith were expelled from the territory or left of their own accord. Monasteries came under attack, members of religious orders were expelled, and ultimately the monastery lands were secularized and appropriated by the Reformed rulers. The wave of dissolutions of monasteries
and even the dissolution or secularization of entire ecclesiastical states, such as the State of the Teutonic Order
, also brought a wave of emigration of monks and nuns who refused to break with the old faith.9 These migrations, which often involved small areas and individual people or small groups, have scarcely been researched to date. It even remains largely unknown what proportion migrated and what proportion adopted the new teachings.
Clear confessional cultures gradually emerged – notwithstanding the long persistence of ambiguities – and with them confessional identities. These mechanisms also contributed to the development whereby members of other confessions were increasingly perceived as foreign and disturbing. Legal sanctions, persecution, and even riots quickly became a part of everyday life in confessionally mixed polities.10 Even scholars expressly recommended the formation of polities that were confessionally homogeneous. Justus Lipsius (1547–1606)[
], for example, suggested that only "unam religionem in uno regno" should be tolerated.11 Most contemporaries shared the view that only a confessionally uniform polity could form the intact corpus christianum and ensure unity and loyalty among the subjects.
After efforts to re-establish the unity of Christianity at the level of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation had failed, the Peace of Augsburg 
of 1555 transferred the problem to the level of the imperial estates. From then on, the ius reformandi of the territorial princes applied, who were now able to establish confessionally homogeneous states at the level of their own territories. This principle, subsequently referred to as "cuius regio eius religio", thus essentially meant that the ruler decided on the confession of his subjects. The ius emigrandi offered those who did not wish to comply with this the option of migrating to another territory.12 Switzerland had previously decided on a similar rule,13 while other territorial states started to either impose confessional uniformity by force or to allow confessional minorities partial rights through legal toleration.14 However, confessional conflict, persecution and expulsions continued in Europe throughout the early modern period, with the last instances occurring in the 19th century.15 Large migration flows that were connected with confessional dissent were a frequent occurrence.
The examples are varied. Some feature both in historical research and in the general perception of history. One of the large waves of migration of the 16th century was the migration to England and to the western part of the Holy Roman Empire of Dutch Protestants who were forced to leave their native land during the early waves of persecution under Charles V (1500–1558) and in particular under Philip II of Spain (1527–1598)[
], and also during the Dutch Revolt. This was perhaps the first large wave of confessionally motivated migration that was also specifically justified by the migrants in those terms, and which also featured confessional and economic motivations on the part of the receiving territories. These Protestant migrants were predominantly of the Reformed (as opposed to the Lutheran) confession, but numerous studies have also demonstrated that their confessional profile was at least to an extent decisively formed during and by the experience of exile.16 A considerable proportion of these migrants returned to the Netherlands after the end of hostilities and, after the emergence of a state in the northern Netherlands with a Reformed ethos, these Calvinist exiles exerted a large influence on the confessional profile of the new republic.17 Additionally, the war and the emergence of a Catholic, Habsburg-ruled south and a republican Protestant north resulted in considerable migration within the Netherlands.18
Also among the most influential migration flows of the 16th century was the temporary flight of Protestants from England during the reign of Mary I (1516–1558), and the return of a large proportion of these exiles after the accession of Elisabeth I (1533–1603)[
]. These returning migrants formed the backbone of the Puritan movement within English Protestantism. Under James I (1566–1625) and Charles I (1600–1649), there were frequent migrations of religious groups, who are usually referred to collectively as "Puritans", initially to the Netherlands (Leiden), and after 1620 to North America, where Puritan-dominated colonies emerged, particularly in Massachusetts Bay.19
During the whole 17th century and part of the 18th century, there were migrations of Bohemian, Austrian and Hungarian Protestants, many of whom settled in the Protestant territories of the Holy Roman Empire, but also at times in Poland.20 These migrations rarely involved large groups, but rather fluctuating flows of individual migrants that are best described as a complex combination of border crossings, settlement near the border and (often repeated) re-migration.21 This was also the case with the Bohemian migration to Saxony, which recent research has shown was by no means as homogenous as suggested in older works.22 However, this migration certainly reached a peak in the aftermath of the Battle at White Mountain (1620)
and during the Habsburg re-Catholicization measures.23
The migration of the Huguenots from France24
, who have perhaps stayed in the collective memory more than any other group of migrants, began in the 16th century during the so-called religious wars, reached a peak after St Bartholomew's day
in 1572, but continued until the 18th century. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes
in October 1685 brought about the largest wave of Huguenot migration, with between 150,000 and 200,000 people migrating in the 1680s and 1690s.25 The emigration of the Waldenses
from Savoy was also closely connected with this.26 The emigration of the Salzburg Protestants has always received considerable attention. After initial small-scale expulsion measures (Deffereggental 1684/85), they were forced to leave their homes in Pinzgau and Pongau in 1731/32 under Archbishop Leopold Anton von Firmian (1679–1744).27 There were also migrations of various Anabaptist groups, for example the Dutch Mennonites and the Hutterites from Tyrol, which took place throughout the early modern period and saw the migrants venturing deep into eastern Europe as well as overseas.28
For a long time, historical research viewed confessional migration as primarily a Protestant phenomenon. Indeed, the overwhelming majority of 'exiles' belonged – to the extent that it is possible to quantify this – to Protestant denominations and were reacting to suppression and persecution in Catholic territories, or were expelled from these territories. However, people also fled their native lands as a result of inner-Protestant conflicts, for example the Anabaptist groups referred to above, the Moravian Brotherhood,29 the English Puritans, and also the Dutch Remonstrants, who went into exile as a result of disputes with the strictly Calvinist Counter-Remonstrants.30 More recently, Catholic confessional migrants have also become the focus of research, for example Dutch Catholics, who – similar to the Protestants – left their homes during the Dutch Revolt,31 and the English and Irish exile communities.32 In any event, recent research – while still containing large gaps – has demonstrated that the almost total blind spot regarding Catholic confessional migration that had existed for so long can no longer be justified. This migration involved considerably more people than previously assumed, and its affects were also much more significant than had been long assumed.33
Laws governing settlement
In the early modern period, special settlement edicts often provided the legal framework for the organized admission and settlement of immigrants. These edicts issued by the territorial ruler often contained a number of privileges, individual rights that created exceptions from the general legal code.34 While there had been examples of this in the medieval period, the instrument of privileges was employed more intensively to attract immigrants in the early modern period from the earliest migration flows triggered by confessional differences. The Electoral Palatinate was an early example. As early as 1562 and 1572, it issued settlement privileges for Protestant Walloons and Flemings who had fled from the Netherlands.35 Also worthy of mention are the privileges for the new town in Hanau issued in 1597, and the Mannheim privileges of 1607, which were renewed and expanded in 1652.36 Privileges were also used in England to attract colonists from the Netherlands.37 France also made occasional use of this instrument to attract settlers with special skills to Paris and the port cities.38 This Europe-wide practice of issuing privileges reached a peak in the Huguenot immigration of the 1680s
.39 Some Protestant territories of the Holy Roman Empire were the most active in trying to attract the Huguenots – for example Brandenburg-Prussia and Hesse-Kassel – but some Dutch cities and provinces also issued privileges to attract Huguenot settlers. England, by contrast, offered the Huguenots refuge, but without establishing a special legal status for them.40
All of these privileges have in common that they promised the immigrants the protection of the ruler and also exemptions from the payment of duties and taxes for a number of years. The edicts also often contained offers regarding the acquisition of houses or land for building on. In some cases, it was announced that building materials would be supplied by the ruler. Invariably, there were also provisions regarding the practice of religion, though these varied considerably depending on the territory and the immigrant group. In the case of the Huguenots in particular, very generous concessions were common, which in addition to religious life also related to justice and administration.41 The Huguenot colonies formed on the basis of these concessions can thus be described as "communities of privilege"42
.
The granting or non-granting of privileges reflected the policies of states towards immigrants more generally. The more prolific German host states were extremely active in their promotion of immigration, particularly after the Thirty Years' War. Individual imperial princes sought to attract settlers in a very targeted way in order to bring deserted farmsteads back under cultivation or to compensate from population loss in the cities. It is all but impossible to differentiate between these population measures and the acceptance of confessional migrants. Both were part of a general strategy of "Peuplierung" (peopling).43 Here the authorities were acting in accordance with contemporary cameralist doctrine. Population density, manufactories
and production – preferably in the domestic market – were part of the prevailing economic view, with cultural competition and dynastic prestige also playing a role.44 The principle of population increase contrasted dramatically with the reality in numerous German territorial states, in which the population losses caused by the Thirty Years' War had not been recovered even decades after the Peace of Westphalia, and in some cases had even been exacerbated by new conflicts.45 Prestigious emigrant groups from western Europe, such as the Dutch in the 16th century and the Huguenots in the 17th century, were also undoubtedly viewed as cultural capital, with which the host territories sought to communicate an ideal image of themselves as a populous, and economically prosperous state.46 Consequently, particularly in the case of the Huguenots in the late-17th century, several German rulers were not content to just issue settlement edicts, but also actively sought to attract settlers. For economic reasons, manufacturers were the immigrant group that was most vigorously courted.47
Manufacturers were thus in a position where they could negotiate directly with representatives of the territorial ruler. Their demands were formulated as humble petitions, but these petitions often betrayed a high degree of self-confidence that demonstrates that they were very aware of how sought-after they were. Predictably, the focus in the contract provisions was on the area of economics. The obligations of both parties, the migrants and their host territory, were specified in detail. We do not know what motives played a role in the decision of individuals to emigrate and to choose a particular destination, but there are clear similarities between Huguenot migrations and other forms of recruitment of specialists – for example, the recruitment of Dutch engineers during the large land improvement projects of the 17th and 18th centuries.48
In addition to the observations just mentioned, the broad range of settlement policies once again highlights the problematic distinction between "confessional migration" and other forms of migration. Huguenot immigration in some cases prompted the foundation of new towns in the host territories – for example, Oberneustadt in Kassel and Neustadt in Erlangen. Often directly connected with this, recruiting agents (Werber) set off in search of other potential immigrants, who were often also promised extensive privileges.49 The practices established in the context of Huguenot immigration of recruiting migrants and bestowing privileges on them continued into the 18th century, in spite of sobering experiences in some cases. This included the recruitment and settlement of Salzburg Protestants in 1731/32, most of whom were settled in plague-ravaged East Prussia, and also settlement that occurred in the context of the great land improvement measures under Friedrich the Great, for example in the Oder Marshes. Similar processes can be observed in the Habsburg empire in the settlement of war-ravaged regions in Hungary and the construction of the port city of Trieste. In these cases also, recruiting agents sought to attract in a targeted way settlers who were chosen according to economic criteria. There was a preference for settlers of the same confession as the host territory, but at times a surprising degree of flexibility was shown in this regard.50 In particular, under Joseph II (1741–1790) the confessional aspect increasingly receded into the background in the Austrian territories, similar to Brandenburg-Prussia under Friedrich II (1712–1786).51 This again illustrates the fuzzy boundaries between confessional migration and settlement projects of an economic nature or for land development. A special case in this context were the so-called transmigrations that began under Charles VI (1685–1740) and reached their peak under Maria Theresa (1717–1780). These involved the targeted resettlement of confessional dissidents from the Habsburg hereditary lands to peripheral regions of the empire, particularly Hungary and Transylvania. Here efforts towards confessional homogenization coincided with a systematic settlement policy designed to economically develop sparsely-populated and war-ravaged regions of the empire.52
It is impossible to put an overall figure on these migrations, though figures such as 500,000 or even up to one million people are sometimes suggested.53 This figure can only be vague because it is not possible to differentiate between these migrations and other migration flows. Or to quote Alexander Schunka: "Jede Art von Quantifizierung muß schon deshalb in Ansätzen stecken bleiben, weil sich eine kontinuierliche grenzüberschreitende Migration mit konfessionellen Motivlagen vermischte". In particular, the question arises: "wie man etwa im selben zeitlichen und geographischen Raum bestimmte lebensweltliche Phänomene wie Erwerbs- und Heiratsmigration von konfessioneller Migration trennen will".54
Confessional Migration? Problems of Differentiation
This brings us to a fundamental problem. The specific characteristics of "confessional migration", which is discussed here cursorily and without any claim to comprehensiveness, cannot be defined unambiguously, even though the phenomenon is often considered clear and obvious. The answer only appears simple at first glance, when one points to confessional dissent and the aim of a high degree of confessional uniformity within sovereign territories. However, this implicitly suggests that we already know the motives of the migrants and 'exiles', and can define these motives as being primarily religious or confessional in nature. Indeed, this is the narrative that in many cases has been established by the descendants of those 'exiles'. According to this narrative, those who migrated were particularly steadfast and loyal to their beliefs, and preferred exile to conversion, even an ostensible conversion. However, more recent research has cast justifiable doubt on this narrative. For example, Heinz Schilling has defined "confessional migration" as a migration type not primarily with reference to motives and causes, but rather in terms of specific settlement conditions. He views these conditions as a product of confessionalization by placing them in the context of the comprehensive processes of cultural and religious homogenization that are understood under the concept of "confessionalization".55
As regards the problem of emigration, the characterization of migration as "forced migration" is highly questionable in the vast majority of cases. For example, in the case of the Huguenots – but also other large groups – research in recent years has clearly demonstrated that emigration was just one of multiple options. Far less than half of the French Huguenots chose to leave France. The vast majority converted to Catholicism, at least superficially.56 Leaving was thus in all cases a conscious decision that was dependent on a number of factors. Alexander Schunka speaks appropriately in this context of a "migration option", thereby highlighting the openness of the decision context.57 The decision was dependent on economic circumstances, but also on the individual's attitude to risk. Craftsmen and merchants were generally more mobile than farmers, but some farmers nonetheless abandoned their homesteads, sold them, or left them to relatives who had decided to stay or who were Catholic.58 Many large merchants had maintained strong links with foreign locations for many years, which undoubtedly made emigration easier for them. In many cases, the new beginning in the 'refuge' was akin to moving the company to a new location while retaining the old business relationships. Contact with the place of origin by no means ceased, but was maintained under slightly changed conditions and with the help of intermediaries.59 The decision to migrate and the choice of place of settlement were dependent on a bundle of factors, and a rational appraisal of one's chances could indeed play a large role. This is not to deny that the combination of factors could vary considerably from individual to individual and that personal religious convictions were undoubtedly also a factor in many cases. Rather, personal decisions resulted from individual and often very varied combinations of motivations, which are in most cases not possible for historians to reconstruct. Knowledge was undoubtedly a very important factor: knowledge of emigration routes, of possible destinations, of the conditions at these destinations and the survival chances there.60
It has proved particularly difficult to differentiate between migration processes that were shaped by confession and other early modern migration phenomena. It is conspicuous that the migration of the Huguenots – as well as other examples such as the Dutch in the 16th century – exhibits aspects of economic migration. There were recruitment efforts, negotiations and settlement edicts that contained elements that were similar to contracts.61 It is very difficult to draw a clear distinction, and an unambiguous migration type called "confessional migration" is difficult to discern. Similarly, the proposition that "confessional migration" was the predominant form of exile in the 16th and 17th centuries, and that it was replaced by political exile over the course of the 18th century and particularly after the French Revolution has proved untenable. On closer inspection, it proves impossible to clearly ascribe religious or secular motives for migration. Religious questions were much too closely connected with political questions. For example, the persecution and migration of the Huguenots, who were stigmatized by the French state as rebels, was also political in nature. In the case of the English, Scottish and Irish Jacobites, there was a combination of religious and political motives at play that are impossible to disentangle. The majority of English Jacobites![Augustin Heckel (1690–1770), The Battle of Culloden, line engraving on paper, 47.60 x 32.10 cm; Bildquelle: National Galleries of Scotland, https://www.nationalgalleries.org/art-and-artists/44954/battle-culloden-showing-duke-cumberland?artists[18159]=18159&search_set_offset=0, CC BY-NC 3.0, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/.](./illustrationen/warfare-in-europe-1453-1789/augustin-heckel-the-battle-of-culloden-1746/@@images/image/thumb "Augustin Heckel, The Battle of Culloden 1746")
were Anglican, even if those who belonged to the inner circle of the court in exile in Saint-Germain were predominantly Catholic.62 Belief in the "divine right of kings" was a religious tenet regardless of the confession, but it had clear political implications.63 This problem can also be observed in the case of the loyalists during the American Revolution after 177564 and also the émigrés who fled from the French Revolution to England and Germany after 1789. The dissolution of monasteries and the persecution of the clergy were as much a cause of migration as political opposition to the revolutionary governments in Paris.65
Not least for these reasons, there has been an increasing effort in recent research to view the phenomenon more from a cultural historical perspective, by focusing on specific forms of sense-making, narrativization and collective memory. This does not exclude other legal and individual religious aspects. However, in the search for aspects unique to confessional migration, the attention is directed to those aspects that assumed primary significance in the memory culture of the exile communities, and thus played a central role in the formation of group-specific identities. The description of confessionally-induced migration and the processing of it through the culture of memory began at an early stage, in some cases even with the migrants themselves and their descendants. In other cases, it began with an attitude that was unambiguously sympathetic towards the migrants. A typical example is Histoire de l'Etablissement des François Refugiez dans les Etats de Son Altesse Electorale de Brandebourg, written by Charles Ancillon (1659–1715) in 1690.66 Huguenot exile historiography, in particular, continued to exert a strong influence after the migration and was a central element in Huguenot self-identification and identity-formation processes in exile. There were very similar trends in Puritan historiography in New England.67 "Emigrations-Geschichte", which was written by Gerhard Gottlieb Günther Göcking (1705–1755) in 1734, was a central starting point of the culture of memory of Salzburg emigrants.68
While the idea that the place of settlement was largely empty before the arrival of the migrants was very common and not exclusive to confessional groups69, certain religious self-identifications are specific to "confessional migration". It is noticeable that the patterns of sense-making and interpretation of certain migrant groups are very similar – and across confessional boundaries. Protestant exiles groups from the Netherlands, France, England and the Alpine region conceptualized their situation just as Catholic refugees did – for example those from the Netherlands – against the backdrop of biblical stories, particularly Old Testament stories and the Book of Revelations. They perceived themselves as being chosen by God and interpreted exile as a visible sign of their being chosen.70 These ideas of being chosen and led by God were often depicted and disseminated in image form – particularly in the case of the Salzburg emigration
.71 Thus, it can be said that the migrants drew on a very specific pool of frames, and that this framing and narrativization of their own exile constitutes what is actually unique about "confessional migration". "Confessional migration" is therefore primarily a medial phenomenon, in which migration flows – which usually involved specific groups – were given confessional and salvific connotations through pamphlets, broadsides, medals, songs and other media, and the patterns of interpretation contained in these became fixed and a lasting element in the culture of memory.
Conclusion
In the broader perspective, Christian "confessional migration" appears as a complex phenomenon that is ultimately difficult to pin down. It developed in the context of the Reformation and the schism on the one hand, and of state homogenization efforts on the other. In this context, people with deviating religious beliefs often came under extreme pressure to conform, which they either yielded to or escaped from through emigration. At the same time, the migration flows – of individuals and of larger groups – cannot be reduced to purely confessional motives, as personal decisions, knowledge of target regions, and considerations regarding one's economic survival in a foreign place usually also played a role. There was also a broad spectrum of interests and motives on the part of the rulers and the authorities of the receiving territories. Economic aims and efforts to gain cultural prestige were at least as important in this context as religious motives. However, contemporary self-identifications and the specific forms of a religious culture of memory are worthy of considerable attention. Viewed in this way, "confessional migration" appears and becomes tangible as a cultural construct and as an interpretative and signifying frame of reference. However, "confessional migration" confounds all efforts to clearly differentiate it from other forms of migration. It is therefore also impossible to make any quantitative statements regarding the phenomenon. However, it seems likely that the high-profile migration flows that are usually classified as "confessional migration" constituted only a small proportion of the complex phenomenon of early modern migration, which also featured (seasonal) labour migration, marriage migration, apprentice migration, country-city migration, refugee migration as a result of wars, measures on the part of rulers to increase the population of their territories, as well as the Transatlantic slave trade.
Ulrich Niggemann
Appendix
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Notes
- ^ Schilling, Exulanten 1992; Schilling, Konfessionsmigration 2010.
- ^ On the specific characteristics of early modern migration, see for example: Hoerder, Cultures 2002, pp. 2–5; Asche, Auswanderungsrecht 2005, p. 76; Oltmer, Migration 2012, pp. 14–17; Kroeker, Introduction 2014, p. 1.
- ^ For example: Friedrich, Toleranz 2017, pp. 252–255; Ptaszyński, Ringen 2013; Schunka, Konfession 2016, p. 139.
- ^ Planstadt 1999; Niggemann, Peuplierung 2016, pp. 210–215.
- ^ See Kaplan, Faith 2007.
- ^ On this for example: Klueting, Zeitalter 2007, pp. 182–185.
- ^ Schilling, Konfessionskonflikt 1981; Reinhard, Gegenreformation 1977; Reinhard, Zwang 1983.
- ^ For a summary of criticism of the confessionalization thesis, see: Brockmann, Konfessionalisierungsparadigma 2013.
- ^ For example: Jähnig, Flucht 2008. More generally on the dissolution of monasteries: Klueting, Zeitalter 2007, pp. 202f.
- ^ On the example of Augsburg, see: François, Grenze 1991.
- ^ Quoted from Schunka, Konfession 2016, p. 121.
- ^ See text in: Buschmann, Kaiser 1984, pp. 215–282; cf. Asche, Auswanderungsrecht 2005; Klueting, Zeitalter 2007, pp. 196–200; Schunka, Konfession 2016, pp. 132f. For a comprehensive and critical discussion, particularly on the ius emigrandi, see also: Gotthard, Religionsfrieden 2004.
- ^ For example, see: Holenstein, Konfessionalismus 2013, pp. 192f.
- ^ This applies particularly to France, where such a law was introduced in the Edict of Nantes (1598); Garrisson, Édit 1997. For example, see: Cottret, Édit 1997; Garrisson, Édit 2003; and the contributions in Grandjean, Coexister 1998.
- ^ For example, the expulsion of the Zillertal Protestants: Bahlcke, Praxis 2008.
- ^ On this, see in particular: Schilling, Exulanten 1972; Eßer, Exulanten 1996; Freist, Flüchtlinge 2007.
- ^ Eßer, Rückkehr 2013; Oberman, Europa 1992.
- ^ Janssen, Revolt 2014, pp. 5–7, pp. 131–134.
- ^ On the so-called Puritans, Protestants who viewed the Reformation in England as unfinished and some of whom emigrated to the Netherlands and North America as a result of repressive measures, see: Collinson, Movement 1967; Bunker, Mayflower Pilgrims 2010; DeJohn Anderson, Generation 1991; Asch, Flüchtlinge 2007; Danner, Pilgrimage 1999.
- ^ Schunka, Gäste 2006; Schunka, Exulanten 2007; Beer, Protestanten 2007; Herzig, Zwang 2000; Leeb, Geheimprotestantismus 2009.
- ^ Schunka, Konfession 2016, p. 129.
- ^ On this, see in particular: Schunka, Gäste 2006.
- ^ Still authoritative on this: Winter, Emigration 1955.
- ^ Lotz-Heumann, Konfessionsmigration 2012.
- ^ There is a large volume of literature on this topic. For some introductory accounts, see: Boisson / Daussy, Protestants 2006; Dölemeyer, Hugenotten 2006; Asche, Hugenotten 2007; Niggemann, Hugenotten 2011.
- ^ For example, see: Asche, Hugenotten 2010; Asche, Waldenser 2010; Lange de, Konfessionsmigration 2010.
- ^ Walker, Transaction 1992; Emrich, Emigration 2002; Leeb, Emigration 2008; von Schlachta, Emigration 2008; Haver, Protestanten 2007; Schunka, Konfessionsmigration 2012.
- ^ For example, see: Samerski, Glaubensflüchtlinge 2008; Dipple, Migration 2015.
- ^ On this, see for example: Meyer, Herrnhuter 2010.
- ^ See: Israel, Republic 1995, pp. 450–477.
- ^ Janssen, Revolt 2014.
- ^ For a discussion of this, see: Braun, Konfessionsmigration 2010; und Klueting, Konfessionsmigration 2012.
- ^ This view is expressed in: Schunka, Konfession 2016, p. 119.
- ^ Mohnhaupt, Privileg 1984; Mohnhaupt, Unendlichkeit 1997.
- ^ Cf. Bütfering, Exulanten 1983, pp. 356–362; Guillemenot-Ehrmantraut / Martin, Kirche 2009, pp. 252–255, pp. 263–268.
- ^ Dölemeyer, Tractat 1999, pp. 146–154; Merten, Residenzstädte 1990, p. 222. Specifically on granting of privileges, see: Ehrmantraut / Martin, Kirche, pp. 266–268.
- ^ Luu, Immigrants 2005, pp. 61–76; Gwynn, Heritage 2001, pp. 36–39, 52–54, 59–66; Cottret, Huguenots 1991, pp. 50–77; Eßer, 1996, pp. 44f.; Magen, Wallonengemeinde 1973, pp. 56–60.
- ^ On this, see for example: Weber, Kaufleute 2004; Augeron, Étrangers 2010.
- ^ For example, see: Dölemeyer, Aufnahmeprivilegien 1997, pp. 306–321. Some of these privilege texts are printed in: Mempel, Gewissensfreiheit 1986.On the privileges, see also: Asche, Neusiedler 2006, pp. 403–459; Niggemann, Immigrationspolitik 2008, pp. 63–100; Niggemann, Antwort 2011.
- ^ Niggemann, Immigrationspolitik 2008, pp. 71–73.
- ^ See for example: Dölemeyer, Aufnahmeprivilegien 1997, pp. 321–325; Dölemeyer, Hugenotten 2006, pp. 45–49; Niggemann, Immigrationspolitik 2008, pp. 66–73; Niggemann, Craft Guilds 2012, pp. 48f.
- ^ Asche, Neusiedler 2006, pp. 555–557.
- ^ See: Niggemann, Peuplierung 2016. And also: Nipperdey, Bevölkerungstheorie 2010.
- ^ On this, see in particular: Fuhrmann, Volksvermehrung 2002; Kraus, Kriegsfolgenbewältigung 2008; Nipperdey, Erfindung 2012.
- ^ Asche, Neusiedler 2006, pp. 40–54, pp. 115–128; Asche, Leben 2008, pp. 19f.
- ^ On this and with a particular emphasis on Huguenot settlement in Hesse-Kassel, see: Niggemann, Wirtschaft 2017.
- ^ On the special privileges, see: Dölemeyer, Aufnahmeprivilegien 1997, p. 308; Niggemann, Immigrationspolitik 2008, pp. 98f., pp. 293–296.
- ^ Niggemann, Peuplierung 2016, pp. 202–205.
- ^ On the example of Oberneustadt in Kassel, see for example: Kadell, Hugenotten 1980, p. 186.
- ^ On this, see: Niggemann, 'Peuplierung' 2016, pp. 201f.; Fata, Migration 2014; and specifically on the so-called Einrichtungswerk (settlement works) and with a detailed introduction, see: Kalmár, Einrichtungswerk 2010. On the recruiting of settlers for the Austrian port city of Trieste, see: Kalc, Immigration 2012.
- ^ Fata, Migration 2014, pp. 170–173; Niggemann, Peuplierung 2016, pp. 200f.; Asche, Neusiedler 2006, pp. 397–399; Kunisch, Friedrich 2004, pp. 465–476; Neugebauer, Zentralprovinz pp. 130–134.
- ^ Steiner, Rückkehr 2014.
- ^ Quantifying the phenomenon is extremely difficult for the premodern period because there is no statistical data and in the best case simple lists were compiled, in which individual people appear multiple times due to secondary and tertiary migrations; see in the case of the Huguenots: Asche, Hugenotten 2010, p. 636; and on the Frankfurt refugee lists, also: Magdelaine, Frankfurt 1985, pp. 27f.
- ^ Schunka, Konfession 2016, S. 129 ("Every attempt to quantify soon gets stuck because continuous cross-border migration was mixed up with confessional motivations", "for example, how can one separate in the same temporal and geographical context specific life-world phenomena such as commercial and marriage migration from confessional migration" transl. by N. Williams).
- ^ Schilling, Exulanten 1972, p. 69; Schilling, Konfessionsmigration 2010, pp. 115–119.
- ^ On the quantitative aspects, see for example: Dölemeyer, Hugenotten 2006, pp. 51f.; and Mours, Protestantisme 1967, pp. 59–86.
- ^ Schunka, Glaubensflucht 2005.
- ^ On agrarian Huguenot migration, see the literature cited in: Asche, Hugenotten 2010; Asche, Neusiedler 2006, passim.
- ^ For example, see: Scoville, Persecution 1960, pp. 280f.; Weber, Kaufleute 2004, pp. 242f.
- ^ Oltmer, Migration 2012, pp. 22–26; on the Huguenots, see: Linden van der, Exile 2015, pp. 25–38.
- ^ On this, see: Dölemeyer, Tractat 1999.
- ^ See: Wimschulte, Jakobiten 2018; and on the court in exile: Cruickshanks, Court 1995.
- ^ See also: Clark, Society 1985, pp. 119–198.
- ^ Calhoon, Loyalists 1973.
- ^ For example, see : Höpel, Emigranten 2000; Pestel, Revolutionsmigration 2017.
- ^ Ancillon, Histoire 1690.
- ^ For example : Johnson, History 1654; Mather, Magnalia 1702. See also : Niggemann, Desert 2015.
- ^ Göcking, Emigrations-Geschichte 1734.
- ^ On this, see in particular the contributions in: Asche / Niggemann, Land 2015.
- ^ See also: Niggemann, Glaubensflucht 2015, pp. 62–67; Niggemann, Traditions 2016, pp. 90f.; Asche, Migrantenmilieus 2016.
- ^ For example, see: Friedemann, Kurtze Historie 1733 – Titelkupfer; See also: Schunka, Konfessionsmigration 2012; and on the media of the Salzburg emigration, see: Marsch, Emigration 1986.
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